Climate on the Floor

October 1, 2026
Hajira
Puthige
Read Aloud

India’s Parliamentary Discourse on Environment since the Paris Agreement.

This report examines the evolution of India’s legislative engagement with the climate crisis during the critical decade following the adoption of the Paris Agreement in December 2015. As the world’s largest democracy and one of the countries most vulnerable to extreme weather events, it is essential to understand how India’s institutional systems are translating climate commitments into domestic political action. The analysis addresses whether parliamentary scrutiny is keeping pace with the country’s growing climate vulnerabilities and if current parliamentary discussions reflect the level of ambition that the climate crisis demands.

The report covers the period from December 2015 to December 2025, focusing on a dataset of 8,702 parliamentary questions raised in both the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha. The analysis is organised into eight key thematic areas: Clean Energy and Decarbonisation; Extreme Weather and Natural Disasters; Forests and Land Use; Climate Change and Global Impacts; Environment; Mitigation, Adaptation and Carbon Management; Climate Finance and Markets; and Global Climate Governance. 

Key Findings

  • In total, the dataset comprises 8,702 parliamentary questions, of which 713 are starred, and 7,989 are unstarred.
  • Climate change remains a relatively small component of the national agenda, accounting for just 3.3% of all parliamentary questions that have been asked over the decade.
  • Legislative interest is heavily concentrated on Clean Energy and Decarbonisation (37.7%), which aligns with prestige-heavy international targets. Conversely, Climate Finance (0.3%) and Global Climate Governance (1.3%) are significant blind spots.
  • The National Adaptation Fund for Climate Change (NAFCC), once a flagship for vulnerable sectors like agriculture, was downgraded and reclassified as a “non-scheme” expense from FY 2023–24, and no new projects were to be initiated under it.
  • The Executive consistently maintains that there is “no conclusive data available to establish a direct correlation of death/disease exclusively due to air pollution,” citing overlapping factors like diet and lifestyle, thereby limiting the attribution of health outcomes exclusively to air pollution.
  • The government has rejected proposals for a dedicated “Climate Change Act” or a separate high-power committee, asserting that the current Environment (Protection) Act is sufficient.
  • Legislative attention predominantly seems to be event-driven and reactionary rather than strategic. For example, the February 2021 Uttarakhand glacier burst forced a spike in questions concerning glacier melt and cloudbursts, while the record-breaking heat of 2022 marked the first substantial parliamentary focus on heatwaves, previously a deadly hazard blind spot.
  • The analysis reveals a clear partisan pattern in the parliamentary questions. Members of the ruling NDA tend to predominantly ask status-oriented questions that provide the government an opportunity to celebrate its programmes and offer technical updates on missions such as PM-KUSUM or Green Hydrogen. In contrast, members of the opposition parties tend to focus on implementation gaps, funding shortfalls, and policy effectiveness. 

Members of Parliament rarely view the climate crisis as an isolated environmental problem; they frame it through its deep connections to developmental and socio-economic concerns such as farmer distress, public health, and energy security. However, a significant gap exists between monitoring and accountability:

  • The government consistently prioritises technological optics, such as the Flood Watch India App and the Van Agni portal, as evidence of action. Yet, it often lacks operational benchmarking; for instance, the Ministry has admitted to having no nationally benchmarked firefighting systems despite tracking fires with satellite precision.
  • The Executive frequently invokes the federal shield, deflecting responsibility for disaster relief, urban flooding, and forest management to state governments by labeling them as “state subjects.”
  • A data blackout often acts as a policy shield, with the government stating it does not centrally maintain data on climate-induced migration, heatwave deaths among informal workers, or the exact forest area destroyed by wildfires.

Ten years after the Paris Agreement, India’s political attention is not keeping pace with its continuous threat status or its rising economic exposure. While India has institutionalised its climate commitments, Parliamentary oversight has yet to evolve into a comprehensive mechanism for ensuring climate accountability, reacting to shock-value events rather than providing systematic oversight of long-term preparedness.

October 1, 2026
Hajira
Puthige
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